Politically correct.

Politically Correct examines how societies might build institutions that protect human freedom, dignity and opportunity without surrendering either to concentrated power or to ideological certainty. Through questions of democracy, expertise, markets, constitutional limits and social responsibility, Anastasia Shik develops a pragmatic humanist framework in which humanity is the purpose, evidence is a method, and political structures remain legitimate only insofar as they serve human life rather than demand obedience from it.

 

 

 

 

 

When I was a kid, I remember playing with banknotes. There were five thousand roubles, fifty thousand, even a hundred thousand. I was impressed by how much money I had! My grandmother tried to explain why we had so much money. She talked about using special tickets to buy food and traveling to Moscow for things like salami or chocolates.

 

I also remember wrapping myself in a Znamya and running through our neighbors’ yards. Everyone laughed and called me rebellious.

I was born while one of the world's most powerful countries was falling apart.

My parents were barely more than children themselves, jobless and carrying the weight of a shattered nation. I went through the internat, experienced the failures of social services, and knew that by age 18, I would be on my own with nothing but my mind to rely on.

 

People always told me, “Don’t think about politics! That’s not our concern.” But politics always seemed to follow me. Once, as a year-group representative for 125 students, I was told to ask them to bring their voting lists. Nearly 80 percent complied immediately. I refused... and was immediately marked for expulsion. The dean shouted that my mind had been brainwashed by Americans. I remember shouting back, 'You are killing our future!’

 

I have always known I could not live without freedom and democracy, which ultimately motivated my decision to relocate. Though I am Italian, the word “European” fits me best.

From this perspective, I see the country, in which I was born, at war—tragically, a conflict within itself. I witness the fragmentation of its people; their spirits diminished and their minds manipulated. I see cemeteries filled with the young and my city facing constant bombardment. I see the pain… I feel the pain…

Having found refuge in Europe, I now observe a continent at a different crossroads. It balances between declining power and the illusion of a perfect world—comfortable and principled, yet struggling with outdated structures while the world has grown too complex for such limitations. Without a unified vision, it hesitates, risking a repetition of past mistakes. It is notable that Lenin wrote “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism” during the height of the World War…

The international order appears absent. Power alone seems to govern, making it difficult to find stability or hope.

 

Are we losing our sense of humanity? Can we find it again when the world feels out of balance? Are our economies more important than our freedom? Should we tolerate intolerance?
Can we accept that the world has changed, or must we cling to old traditions? Should the young be trapped by outdated systems? Do we learn to protect ourselves, or give in to oppression?
Should we keep talking about inequality, or focus on the practical: city planning, healthcare, and the hard truth that we are still subject to nature’s laws? Should we only care about our own small world?

 

Where do I stand? What do I value?
What about you? What do you feel?

 

The Diagnosis of Our Age.

part 1.

I began by looking at the world we have actually entered, not the one our institutions were designed for.

 

Technology, information and artificial intelligence are changing power faster than many political structures can adapt. Countries compete through innovation, scale, regulation, resources and access to critical technologies, while institutions created for another historical moment are expected to manage problems that no longer respect borders.

 

Globalization cannot simply be celebrated or rejected. We are already interdependent. The real question is whether that interdependence can be managed with enough awareness to prevent power, technology and opportunity from becoming concentrated in too few hands.

 

For me, the diagnosis begins there: the world has changed, but many of the structures through which we govern it have not.

 

And beneath that problem sits a more human one: if the conditions from which people begin remain radically unequal, how meaningful can freedom really be?

The Social Pact.

part 2.

The more I thought about freedom, the more difficult it became to imagine it as something purely individual.

 

Can the individual ever really exist independently?

I don't think so.

 

Even someone who leaves society still carries it through language, knowledge, tools and everything learned from other people.

 

We are born dependent before anybody asks whether we agree to the terms.

 

So I see the social pact as a continuous relationship rather than an imaginary contract.

 

I owe something to society because society owes something to me.

 

Rights need responsibilities. But authority has responsibilities too. When society demands responsibility from the individual while abandoning its own, the pact becomes rather strange.

The photographs make this physical.

 

Bodies hold each other. Need each other. Control each other.

Sometimes protection and domination have almost the same gesture.

 

Dependence is unavoidable.

 

Can we organise it without turning vulnerability into permission to dominate?

The Strong, Managerial State.

part 3.

I grew up with reasons to distrust the state, so for a long time strength in government sounded dangerous to me. But the more I looked at what happens when public institutions become weak, the less convincing that instinct became.

 

Power does not disappear when the state retreats. It moves. It can pass to monopolies, inherited wealth, corporations, private networks, or simply to those strong enough to impose their interests on everyone else.

 

The question therefore became not whether the state should be strong, but what it should be strong enough to do—and what it must never be allowed to become.

 

I came to see the state as a referee rather than an owner of human life: strong enough to preserve genuine competition, protect people from private domination, invest in education, health, science and infrastructure, and ensure that no one falls below basic dignity.

 

Freedom needs protection from government, but it also needs protection through government. Without rules, the freedom of the powerful can become the unfreedom of everyone else.

 

A strong state, then, should never mean an unlimited state. Its power must remain constrained by stronger constitutional principles and directed toward one purpose: creating the conditions in which human beings can actually be free.

Managed Democracy.

part 4.

Democracy matters deeply to me, but I don't believe elections alone make a society democratic.

 

The photographs in this chapter come from my personal archive from my earlier life in Russia. I did not make them as a political project. They were simply around me: streets, homes, schools, markets, women, students, monuments, institutions, food, everyday absurdities.

 

Looking at them now, I see the distance between democratic form and lived reality.

 

A functioning democracy needs more than voting. It needs capable institutions, education, infrastructure, knowledge and real possibilities for people to build a life.

 

Experts matter, but they cannot replace citizens. Citizens remain sovereign, while evidence and expertise should inform decisions and institutions must remain accountable.

 

The question for me is simple:

If democracy exists on paper but people cannot build a meaningful life inside it, how democratic is it really?

Guarded Capitalism & Proportional Inequality.

part 5.

I worked in finance, so I have never been very interested in the argument that markets are simply good or simply evil.

They are much more interesting than that.

 

Competition can make people extraordinarily inventive. Ambition can be beautiful. I like ambition. I like beautiful things. I don't have a philosophical objection to luxury.

 

I have had enough contact with scarcity to know that romanticizing poverty is usually done by people who don't have enough experience of it.

 

But I also know what it means to be talented, educated, hardworking—and still have your choices determined by what you can afford.

 

When I moved to Moscow for work, I received an offer from KPMG. I liked the work. The salary was around one thousand dollars.

I couldn't survive on it.

So I chose another job: risky, unprotected, not satisfying—but financially possible.

Was I free to choose?

Technically, yes.

 

This is where economics becomes interesting to me.

Two people can receive exactly the same opportunity and possess completely different abilities to use it. Money buys more than things. It buys time. Safety. Education. The possibility of saying no. The possibility of taking a risk without destroying your life.

 

I don't believe inequality itself is the enemy.

Injustice is.

 

I don't want everybody finishing in the same place. I want ambition, competition, success and reward to remain possible.

But a race isn't particularly impressive when some people begin fifty metres from the finish line and others arrive already exhausted from trying to find the stadium.

 

A humane capitalism needs a floor beneath everybody, genuine competition in the middle, and a ceiling at the point where private wealth becomes powerful enough to purchase public rules.

 

Enjoy the beautiful things.

Just don't make another person's dignity their price.

Humanist Integration.

part 6.

I have spent a ridiculous amount of my life trying to understand where exactly I am supposed to belong.

 

The first time I remember losing that sense of belonging I was nine. I was moved from my internat to the gymnasium. They dressed me nicely, I wasn't allowed to see my friends anymore, and suddenly I was supposed to become part of this completely different world.

It was not an easy fit.

 

My educational level was different. My social level was different. My financial level was very different.

I wanted to go back to the internat.

 

I remember coming back from time to time, just walking there because somehow I still felt it was mine. But slowly I understood I didn't belong there anymore either.

 

Later I kept discovering new versions of the same problem.

I was raised mostly with boys. Then puberty arrived and suddenly I was a girl.So I tried girls...

Apparently I was fucking different there too.

 

Then came money and social class. Another interesting game.

Can I fit into the world of wealth or am I too miserable to show up at the fancy event? Is my physical appearance acceptable enough? Should I cover my tattoos? Should I speak differently? Dress differently? Behave?

 

Then I became a mother.

I have three kids and I fucking enjoy shooting porn.

Damn...

 

Sometimes I see things when I am working that I find incredibly beautiful. Can I share these pure thoughts with other parents or will I scare them away? Does it make me less of a parent? A bad parent?

Who decides?

 

Once I went to one of the best jewellery shops and asked them to make a handmade ring for my lip piercing.

They looked at me a little strangely.

I asked:

“You don't find it elegant?”

No.

 

At some point I became tired of trying to solve this.

I had to learn to stop waiting for acceptance in order to belong.

And strangely, this changed the way I started thinking about integration.

 

Because maybe belonging does not mean everybody approves of you.

 

I don't need everybody to like my tattoos. I don't need every parent to understand my art. I don't need the jeweller to find my lip elegant. People are allowed to think I am weird. They are allowed to dislike me. I am also allowed to think some of their choices are fucking strange and also boring, if to be honest.

 

That's pluralism.

 

But living together still requires something shared.

 

I don't believe it has to be the same religion, ethnicity, sexuality, origin, family structure or way of living. I don't want integration to mean: welcome, now please become like us.

 

For me the common ground has to be civic: human dignity, freedom, equality before the law, respect for evidence, and responsibility toward the society we share.

 

And tolerance has a limit exactly where somebody starts using their own freedom, culture, religion or tradition as permission to remove somebody else's.

 

I don't think we need to love one another to live together.

We don't even need to understand one another completely.

 

I've spent enough of my life asking whether I am allowed into the group.

By now I think I finally understand something.

 

I participate in this world because this is what I do.

 

And none of them individually possesses the membership card.

Eyes-Open Interdependence.

part 7.

When I was living in the States, I had no documents.

But I had South Beach and my skateboard. I could even ride it with heels on!

For some time, this felt like enough freedom.

 

Unfortunately, at a certain point, the issue of documents became impossible to ignore.

That's where my troubles began.

\

I watched people around me getting married, building lives, finding their ways to stay. And then somebody explained that marriage could solve my problem too.

I went to see a guy.

Twenty thousand dollars for a sacred union!

 

It was so strange to me. People marry complete strangers all the time without even needing documents, and somehow I couldn't do it when there was actually something practical to gain.

It was just not mine.

 

Around that time there was a beautiful young family I knew. They were rich, gorgeous, living the kind of life I was dreaming maybe one day I could have too. Through them another possible solution appeared. Mysterious conversations. Photos. Papers. Skype only. Instructions about where we should and shouldn't go.

Everything started to feel like a spy movie I had somehow entered without reading the script.

At some point I started having panic attacks.

So I left... 

 

Years later, what interests me about this story is not really the documents.

It is how quickly freedom can become dependent on somebody else.

 

We talk about globalization as though we still have the option to choose whether we participate in it.

I don't think we do.

 

Countries depend on other countries for energy, technology, finance, food, resources, security, markets and knowledge. This can create extraordinary cooperation and prosperity.

It can also create vulnerability.

 

I don't think the answer is isolation. I know what leaving looks like. I know what trying to exist completely outside structures feels like. Independence can be another beautiful fantasy.

But dependence should not quietly become control.

 

The same applies to investment and economic relationships. Money entering a country doesn't automatically improve the lives of the people living there. Growth can happen while power and opportunity remain concentrated somewhere else.

 

So I am interested less in whether interdependence is good or bad.

It exists.

 

I am interested in who controls the relationship.

Who needs whom more?

Who can negotiate?

Who can say no?

And perhaps most importantly:

Who can afford to leave?

Who manages the global manager?

Can we build political institutions at the scale of our interdependence without building domination at the same scale?

 

 

Because sometimes what looks like connection from one side feels very different from the other.

The Third Wave & Technological Sovereignty.

part 8.

Informatics was an obligatory subject at my gymnasium.

Which was particularly funny because I didn’t even have a computer.

My entire relationship with this wonderful technology was limited to that shitty lesson once a week.

I would arrive at the classroom, sit in front of this magical machine and immediately encounter a problem.

I couldn’t even start the fucking thing…

The teacher thought I was dumb.

Apparently, instead of putting all my heart and effort into learning, I preferred to sit there and swear.

My already quite impressive filthy vocabulary was expanding enormously during those lessons.

Unfortunately, my computer skills were not progressing at the same speed.

Eventually the school found a solution.

They forbade me from attending informatics lessons.

In exchange, I was guaranteed a solid satisfactory.

I was finding this arrangement fascinating.

 

We were supposed to be learning a technology that would become increasingly important for our future.

But when somebody couldn’t use it, apparently the solution was to remove that person from the classroom.

Was I stupid?

Maybe.

Or maybe I simply didn’t know how to use a machine I had never had access to.

How exactly do you distinguish between the two if nobody bothers to teach you?

And what does a satisfactory grade actually mean if nobody has learned anything?

I eventually learned to use computers.

My vocabulary remained excellent.

And the teacher probably enjoyed a much more peaceful life.

But the world has changed enormously since then.

For a long time, political and economic power was associated with land, natural resources, factories, industrial production.

Now we increasingly depend on knowledge, data, computation, artificial intelligence, semiconductors and technologies most of us don’t even understand.

 

And I keep thinking about that classroom.

Because the problem is no longer whether one girl can start a computer.

Countries can find themselves in a surprisingly similar position.

They use technologies they don’t produce.

They depend on systems they don’t understand.

They buy access to something they have very little capacity to influence.

And sometimes they are very proud of being modern because everybody has the latest fucking phone.

But who makes it?

Who understands what is inside?

Who owns the infrastructure?

Who controls the data?

Who can change the rules?

Who can afford to say no?

 

I don’t think every country needs to produce everything.

That would be ridiculous.

We already depend on one another, and I don’t see technological isolation as a particularly intelligent solution.

But there is a difference between choosing cooperation and having no alternative.

 

For me, technological sovereignty is not about closing borders.

It is about having enough scientific, educational and industrial capacity to participate in producing the future rather than simply purchasing access to somebody else’s.

 

And this requires more than buying machines.

It requires people who know how to use them.

People who can question them. Improve them. Invent something better.

People who have actually been given the opportunity to learn.

I wonder how many potentially brilliant minds have been classified as incapable simply because nobody gave them proper access.

And how many institutions still prefer to produce satisfactory results rather than admit they have failed.

Because technology doesn’t make a society sovereign simply by being present.

A classroom full of computers doesn’t mean the children are learning.

A country full of technology doesn’t mean its people have the capacity to shape it.

And a satisfactory grade doesn’t mean that anybody knows how to start the fucking thing.

 

 

Education, Work, and the Life Course.

part 9.

I got my first tattoo when I was fourteen.

 

Strangely, that was also the year I was nearly kicked out of school.

 

I was what they called a “vulnerable youth.” Which is a very polite expression for a kid whose life is already difficult enough without adults making it more difficult.

 

I was angry. Aggressive. I was doing karate, fighting, refusing authority and becoming increasingly difficult to control. My life outside school was already crumbling. Then the institution I actually needed for the possibility of a better future nearly removed me from it.

Police were mentioned. Social services were mentioned. Expulsion was discussed...

 

Luckily, I was given another chance. I stayed. I finished school.

But I often think about the kids who don't.

 

We like to imagine a young life as something linear. You finish school. You get a degree. You discover yourself. You make mistakes, fall in love, have some fun, choose a profession. Maybe you complain about exams.You go clubbing! I was 14 times in my life in a night club. Not that I think I have missed something, but it sounds weird for others when I mention.

 

But there are beautiful young souls carrying lives that not every adult could handle.

 

Some are dealing with poverty, violence, unstable families, migration, disability, mental distress, responsibility for other people, or simply trying to survive another fucking day. And then we place them inside systems designed around the assumption that everybody arrives with enough stability to follow the same path.

 

When they fail to do so, very often we start measuring what is wrong with them.

I find that strange.

 

Education should be one of the places where an unequal beginning can be interrupted, not another institution that confirms it.

 

And education cannot end when youth ends either.

 

People change. Knowledge changes. Bodies change. Economies change. Technology changes. Sometimes life knocks somebody completely off the path they thought they were following.

There should be ways back...

 

Ways to learn later. To retrain. To begin again. To contribute differently. To get lost without disappearing from society.

I don't think we need to design one perfect path and make everybody capable of following it.

 

Maybe we need a society with more than one path.

 

I was lucky. Somebody allowed the fourteen-year-old angry girl with a fresh tattoo to stay.

Not every kid gets that chance.

 

Getting lost should not mean being left behind.

Urban Life.

part 10.

I have lived in enough different places to know that an address can quietly rewrite a life.

 

We talk about freedom as though it lives somewhere inside a person.

But try exercising that freedom when the school is terrible, the bus doesn't arrive, the neighbourhood is unsafe, the hospital is inaccessible, there is nowhere green to breathe and the job you could actually do is two hours away.

 

Suddenly philosophy becomes urban planning.

I like this because politics often sounds enormously important until somebody asks whether the fucking train works.

 

More and more human life happens in cities. That means inequality becomes geographic.

Where you live affects what you can reach: education, work, healthcare, culture, safety, air, nature, other people.

Two citizens can possess identical rights on paper and inhabit completely different ranges of possibility.

 

A successful city therefore cannot simply be a place wealthy people want to move into.

It has to distribute access to the conditions that make participation possible.

 

Transport isn't just transport.

A park isn't just a park.

Housing isn't just a building.

 

They determine how much of society a person can actually reach.

A city is not its skyline. It is the distribution of possibility between bodies sharing limited space.

 

Opportunity shouldn't disappear because somebody was born on the wrong side of town.

Reciprocal Cooperation.

part 11.

If society owes something to me, eventually I have to ask the annoying second question:

 

What do I owe back?

 

I don't believe a humane society can be organized entirely around receiving.

But I also don't believe contribution means everybody paying exactly the same price.

That would be ridiculous.

 

People have different bodies, capacities, resources, responsibilities and periods of dependence. Somebody may contribute money. Somebody contributes care. Somebody raises children. Somebody studies. Somebody builds knowledge. Somebody volunteers. Somebody works. Somebody is ill and, for a while, simply needs more than they can give.

 

Life changes the positions.

 

I've been poor. I've earned money. I've needed institutions. I've paid for institutions. I've been cared for and I've had people entirely dependent on me.

 

Nobody remains one thing forever.

 

So reciprocity cannot mean keeping a little moral accounting book and checking whether every human being has repaid today's lunch by dinner.

 

Those with greater resources should carry greater responsibility because they have greater capacity to do so.

Those with less should still have meaningful ways to participate.

And belonging—whether somebody was born inside a society or entered it later—should eventually mean participation in the common world rather than permanent separation from it.

 

Solidarity becomes fragile when people experience it as permanently one-directional.

But responsibility becomes equally fragile when people believe the rules are designed for somebody else's benefit.

 

No one is only a giver. No one is only a receiver.

A functioning social pact has to remember both.

Assertiveness & Realism.

part 12.

I have spent quite a lot of my life somewhere outside.

Marginal. Outcast. Difficult. Too much. Too complicated. Not from here. Not like us.

 

Different places found different words.

 

When you are outside, you learn quite quickly that being harmless doesn't necessarily make you safe.

So I learned to be strong.

 

But being on the other side of power also taught me not to trust strength completely.

 

I believe in humanism. But humanist values are not protected simply because they are morally right.

 

Sometimes another person—or another political actor—doesn't want the compromise you consider reasonable.

Then what?

 

I don't want politics built on cruelty.

I also don't want humanism confused with helplessness.

 

Sometimes boundaries have to become credible.

But this is exactly where I become suspicious again.

Because necessity is a wonderful word if you want permission to do almost anything.

 

Strength doesn't make you right.

 

The power used to defend humanist principles must remain constrained by those principles. Otherwise we have simply changed who gets to dominate whom.

 

Can we remain humane without becoming naïve—and strong without becoming what we are trying to resist?

 

Politically Correct does not begin with the contemporary meaning of political correctness. It begins with a more literal question: what would it mean for politics to be correct?

 

I tried to imagine a society organized around human dignity, freedom, evidence and reciprocal responsibility. Every answer produced another contradiction.

A social pact requires institutions capable of enforcing it. Strong institutions create the danger of concentrated power. Democracy gives legitimacy, but democratic decisions still depend on knowledge. Markets create innovation and opportunity, but wealth can purchase the rules. Tolerance protects difference, but tolerance can also be used against itself. Interdependence creates cooperation and dependency. Technology expands human capacity while creating new forms of sovereignty and vulnerability. Reciprocity makes collective life possible, but people never possess equal capacities to contribute. And finally, even humanism must possess enough power to defend itself.

The project therefore became less an attempt to describe a perfect political system than an investigation into what happens when humanist principles are forced to confront power, inequality, difference, dependency and reality.

 

Perhaps politics cannot be correct. It can only remain capable of correcting itself.